Kashmir: Lost realities

2026-02-12 - 01:36

AL-Hamd Islamic University, Islamabad, is a relatively new academic institution, yet within a short period it has established a notable presence in the intellectual circles of the capital. While due credit goes to the President of the University, Professor Dr. Shakeel Roshan, an equally significant share belongs to the Faculty of Linguistics and Literature under the leadership of Dr. Sher Ali. The academic and research activities of this faculty are commendable and its students have produced meaningful work in important research areas. Another major contribution of the Faculty of Literature lies in its engagement with national issues and public debates. Although events are routinely organized on national days across various platforms, Al-Hamd University stands out for the depth and seriousness that characterize its sessions. This was once again evident on Kashmir Solidarity Day. The session was presided over by the eminent scholar Professor Jaleel Aali, while the distinguished poetess Ayesha Masood, Dr. Sadaf Naqvi, Ms. Mahwish Hassan and the author of these lines spoke as special guests. A notable aspect of the event was the participation of Ms. Mahwish Hassan, the granddaughter of Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Geelani. Ayesha Masood and Dr. Sadaf Naqvi highlighted different dimensions of the historical background of the Kashmir issue. Professor Jaleel Aali emphasized the continuity of resistance in the struggle for self-determination and argued that success is not possible without military pressure, reflecting a line of thought evident over the past three to four decades. One distinctive feature of Al-Hamd University’s academic sessions is that participation requires preparation rather than passive attendance. At the same time, despite the seriousness of both speakers and audience, even sensitive and complex issues can be discussed openly. Critical questions may be raised without provoking the kind of hostile reaction often described as trolling. Making use of this atmosphere, I raised several serious questions that, if examined thoughtfully, allow a reassessment of the entire Kashmir freedom movement and help explain why its stated objectives have yet to be achieved. The history of the Kashmir issue is long, a fact Allama Iqbal highlighted when he wrote: “Dehqān o kasht o jo o khiyābān farokhtand, Qaumē farokhtand, o che arzān farokhtand.” Iqbal was referring to the Anglo-Sikh War of 1846, after which, under the Treaty of Amritsar signed on 16 March 1846, the British sold the entire region of Kashmir to the Dogra dynasty for seventy-five thousand Nanak Shahi rupees. A tragic irony of this transaction was that the price of each Kashmiri amounted to merely three rupees. Iqbal lamented that an entire nation had been sold at such a paltry price. From this point, the Kashmiri struggle for freedom can be said to begin, while its second phase starts with the partition of the subcontinent. I submitted that a review of international media indicates that until 1965 Pakistan enjoyed substantial global support on the Kashmir issue. Thereafter, this support gradually declined, reaching a low point by 1999 and the years that followed. Since May 2025, however, a renewed increase in support has been observed. The fluctuating pattern of support, opposition and indifference is closely linked to key events related to Kashmir, including Operation Gibraltar, the Kargil operation and the Pahalgam false-flag incident. Once the nature of these events is understood, it becomes easier to grasp why Pakistan’s international standing on Kashmir expanded or contracted in their aftermath. In debates on resolving the Kashmir issue, it is often argued that during the Kargil conflict the Mujahideen had achieved decisive gains and that a final strike at that moment could have made Kashmir part of Pakistan. This view, however, overlooks two fundamental realities. First, the international order that emerged after the Second World War left little room for acquiring territory through war and formal annexation. Second, the creation of Pakistan itself was achieved through a political process rather than sustained military resistance. From Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah to the War of Independence of 1857, armed resistance movements not only failed but also deepened a sense of defeat among the Muslims of the subcontinent. Real progress began with the Allahabad Address of 1930, when Muslims adopted a political path and achieved independence within seventeen years. The creation of Pakistan subsequently became a model of liberation for several nations in the twentieth century. With limited resources and minimal power compared to the adversary, this success redefined the meaning of struggle. Much of the credit belongs to Iqbal, who helped move political thought away from constant warfare toward peaceful political mobilization. I concluded that whether the issue is Kashmir or Palestine, the most effective path to resolution lies in mobilizing global public opinion by linking the right of self-determination with human rights. Quaid-e-Azam, through separate electorates, transformed the Muslim vote into a meaningful political force despite numerical minority. In Kashmir and Palestine, Muslims constitute a numerical majority. In the current global environment, framing these issues as human rights concerns can prove more effective. The outcomes of armed resistance are already known; it is time to revisit and test this proven, though long-neglected, political path. —This writer is former advisor to the President of Pakistan, author & mass media theorist. (farooq.adilbhuta@gmail,com)